Month: December 2008

One World Recession, Ready or Not

The usual grounds for optimism these days is the fact that the Obama Administration is clearly going to propose a big fiscal package with two components: a large conventional stimulus (spending plus tax cuts); and a big housing refinance scheme, in which the Treasury will potentially become the largest-ever intermediary for mortgages.

These ideas are appealing under the circumstances, but this Fiscal First approach also has definite limitations, for both domestic and foreign reasons.  Continue reading “One World Recession, Ready or Not”

Japan for Beginners

For a full list of Beginners articles, see the Financial Crisis for Beginners page.

The most common point of comparison for our current economic crisis is, far and away, the Great Depression. The Depression is most often bracketed with some version of the phrase, “but we’re unlikely to see a depression, just a recession,” whatever that’s supposed to mean. And, fortunately for us, with the addition of Christina Romer, we now have two scholars of the Great Depression on our nation’s economic policymaking team.

But in many ways, a more relevant comparison may be the Japanese “lost decade” of the 1990s, when the collapse of a bubble in real estate and stock prices led to over a decade of deflation and slow growth. This is the Nikkei 225 index from 1980 to the present.

Nikkei

Continue reading “Japan for Beginners”

We Have a Winner?

After seeing dozens of mortgage proposals emerge over the past several months, there are news stories that Larry Summers and the Obama economic team are converging on an unlikely candidate: the proposal by Glenn Hubbard and Christopher Mayer first launched on the op-ed page of the Wall Street Journal on October 2. Hubbard and Mayer published a summary of the plan in the WSJ last week; a longer version of the op-ed is available from their web site; and you can also download the full paper, with all the models.

Continue reading “We Have a Winner?”

When Consumers Get Depressed

The Return of Depression Economics, by Paul Krugman, is certain to be one of the most gifted books this holiday season; that’s what happens when you combine a Nobel Prize with a massive economic crisis and book with the word “depression” in the title. Here’s another reason to buy it for someone, as I found out: it’s so short you can read it in a couple of hours before wrapping it up.

The title of the book refers broadly to the recurrence of a need to deal with Depression-style economic threats, a theme that originally (in the 1999 edition) referred to the emerging markets crisis of 1997-98 and and the stagnation in Japan caused by the collapse of their housing bubble at the beginning of the 1990s. More particularly, however, it refers to the problems brought on by a collapse in economic demand – “insufficient private spending to make use of the available productive capacity,” as Krugman puts it. And it seems clear that that’s where we are today. The Case-Shiller index of housing prices reached its peak in real terms sometime in 2006, but the economy continued to grow until the end of 2007, even as housing prices fell significantly. Although the negative wealth effect of falling housing must have had some effect, people still wanted to spend. When the severe phase of the crisis began in September 2008, it was widely described as a credit crunch, meaning that reductions in the supply of credit were making it difficult for borrowers to get the money they needed, either for investment or consumption. Today, however, as Simon has said before, falling demand for credit may be just as big a problem. People just don’t want to borrow money any more, and if that’s the case, then increasing the supply of credit (by funneling cash into banks) will have only a limited effect, as we’ve seen. This is what Krugman finds most worrying about the current situation: the “loss of policy traction,” in which even dramatic moves by the Fed have only a limited impact ont he real economy.

He doesn’t quite come out and say it in so many words, but a lot of Krugman’s story has to do with what might be called psychology. He describes how economic crises may be the product of poor governmental policies and weak economic fundamentals – or they may be entirely the product of panics that have the very real effect of destroying wealth and setting countries back for years. Seen from this perspective, the scale of the current crisis may not have any proportional relationship to the fundamental flaws of our economy (or the global economy). It may simply reflect the fact that the scale, liquidity, and leverage of the global financial system have made it possible for panics to have much greater damage than they did in the past. (I know we’re still not dealing with anything on the scale of the Great Depression, but while the financial system was simpler then, it also had a simpler flaw – the lack of deposit insurance – and a simpler mistake – the failure to expand monetary policy in response to the downturn.)

The fact that you are reading this blog probably means that you would not learn a lot about the current crisis from Krugman’s book (especially if you’ve already read his article in The New York Review of Books), but you might learn something about the crisis of the 1990s, and the dynamics of currency crises. In 1997-98, multiple unrelated emerging market countries suffered panics and currency crises, and the response of “Washington” (the U.S. and the IMF) was to demand fiscal austerity – higher interest rates, lower government spending, higher taxes – in exchange for bailout loans. Now, of course, when large parts of wealthy country economies need to be bailed out, few people are calling for austerity; in the U.S., liberals and (most) conservatives differ only on whether the deficit should be increased through government spending or through tax cuts. Ten years ago, perhaps the austerity argument was defensible: in order for countries to gain credibility (and be able to pay back their loans), they needed to improve their government balance sheets. And at the time, the U.S. could be confident that reduced purchasing power in Thailand, South Korea, and Russia would have little effect on our economy. Today, however, the entire world is facing a steep downturn, and an economic stimulus will be most effective if it is roughly coordinated across countries, including emerging markets. So far the IMF appears to be using a gentler hand than last time, although so far most countries are attempting to steer clear unless absolutely necessary. The fact is that preventing an economic collapse in emerging markets will be an important of our recovery this time, both because of the importance of foreign trade and because of the amount of cross-border investment (think about the massive inflows into international stock funds in the past ten years).

In any case, it’s a quick read, and for those who are nervous about Krugman’s politics they make only a very brief entry near the end.

Managing Financial Innovation

Financial innovation tends to be a bit of a bad word these days. But while I and many other people are in favor of an overhaul of our regulatory system, that still leaves open the question of how the system should be managed.

A reader pointed me to a 2005 paper by Zvi Bodie and Robert Merton on the “Design of Financial Systems.” They argue that neoclassical finance theory – frictionless markets, rational agents, efficient outcomes – needs to be combined with two additional perspectives: an institutional approach that focus on the structural aspects of the financial system that introduce friction and may lead to non-efficient outcomes; and a behavioral approach that focuses on the ways in which and the conditions under which economic actors are not rational (see my post on bubbles, for example). The paper walks through examples of how to think about some real problems we face, such as the fact that households are increasingly being forced to make important decisions about retirement savings, but generally lack the knowledge and skills to make those decisions. One of their arguments is that while institutional design may not matter in a pure neoclassical world, it does matter in the world of irrational actors: deposit insurance to stop bank runs is an obvious example.

Some of the content may be tough going, but in general the paper offers one perspective on how to think about the relationships between markets, institutions, and individual behavior that make up our financial system.

When Will the G7 Intervene?

The dollar is depreciating in eye-catching and headline-grabbing fashion.  The Japanese authorities are signalling that they are prepared to intervene.  The G7 (remember them?) has the established role of coordinated intervention in major currency markets when things get out of hand.  So where are they now and when will they come in?

The answer is: you may have to wait a long time.  This round of dollar weakening is the direct result of easing monetary policy in the US.  The Fed doesn’t usually talk about the dollar (leaving this to the Treasury, which has a tradition of obfuscation on the issue), but dollar depreciation is fully consistent with (1) wanting to prevent deflation, and (2) hoping to stimulate growth through exports.  The spinmasters would probably also say that actions to restore confidence in the global financial system are reducing demand for dollars as a safe haven, and this is reflected in currency markets.

You may or may not agree with this logic, but from a US perspective there can be little interest in immediate intervention.  The Japanese are obviously unhappy when their exchange rate appreciates beyond 95 yen to the dollar, but their G7 partners are pretty unsympathetic at that level – Japan has been running a massive current account surplus (hence its reserves of over $1trn) and has long been in line for some appreciation.  At 85 yen to the dollar, things would start to get more animated, and almost everyone would support intervention at 80.

The dollar-euro thinking is even more interesting.  The US (and my former colleagues at the IMF) are obviously pressing for a big fiscal stimulus in Europe.  But key European governments are just as obviously demonstrating the desire to free ride, i.e., you put through a hefty fiscal package of $850bn and I’ll get back to growth through selling you more BMWs.  While the US will of course observe every diplomatic nicety in this situation, privately the outgoing and incoming administrations must be enjoying the fact that dollar depreciation puts the European Central Bank – and particularly the Germans’ export driven economy – very much on the spot.

Personally, I think the euro-dollar rate would have to move much further, probably close to 1.6 dollars per euro, for the intervention conversation to get serious.  Of course, if markets become “disorderly” so that prices jump around in an unusual way, there are always grounds for intervening.  But, on the other hand, in this situation you can rationalize almost any short-term exchange rate movement as the market adjusting to new fundamentals.  And you can look very pointedly at the European Central Bank when you say this.

Expansionary Monetary Policy is Infectious

The Federal Reserve’s announcement yesterday makes it clear that we should see its leadership as radical incrementalists.  They will move in distinct incremental steps, some small and some larger, but they will do whatever it takes to prevent deflation.  And that means they will do what it takes to make sure that inflation remains (or goes back to being?) positive.  If they need to err on the side of slightly higher inflation, then so be it.  This is pretty radical (and a good idea, in my opinion.)

What effect does this have on the rest of the world?  Continue reading “Expansionary Monetary Policy is Infectious”

Community Reinvestment Act Makes Bankers Stupid, According to AEI Research

One might have hoped that one collateral benefit of the end of the election season would be the end of the attempt to pin the financial crisis on the Community Reinvestment Act, a 1970s law designed to prohibit redlining (the widespread practice of not lending money to people in poor neighborhoods). Unfortunately, Peter Wallison at the American Enterprise Institute (thanks to one of our commenters for pointing this out) has proven that some people will never give up in their fight to prove that the real source of society’s ills is government attempts to help poor people. Regular readers hopefully realize that we almost never raise political topics here, but sometimes I just get too frustrated.

Many people who are more expert than I in the housing market have already debunked the CRA myth. Here are just a few: Janet Yellen, Menzie Chinn, Randall Kroszner, Barry Ritholtz, David Goldstein and Kevin Hall, and Elizabeth Laderman and Carolina Reid. Mark Thoma does a good job keeping track of the debate.

One of the main arguments against the CRA-caused-the-crisis thesis is that the large majority of subprime loans, and delinquent subprime loans, and the housing bubble in general, had nothing to do with the CRA; it was done by lenders who are not governed bythe CRA, and was done in places like the exurbs of Las Vegas or the beachfront condos in Florida, not poor neighborhoods (which generally saw less price appreciation than average). So Wallison comes up with a new argument: relaxed lending standards, encouraged by the CRA, caused lending standards to be relaxed in the rest of the housing market. Really, I’m not making this up.

Continue reading “Community Reinvestment Act Makes Bankers Stupid, According to AEI Research”

Baseline Scenario, 12/15/08

Baseline Scenario for 12/15/2008: pdf version

Peter Boone, Simon Johnson, and James Kwak, copyright of the authors

Summary

1) The world is heading into a severe slump, with declining output in the near term and no clear turnaround in sight.

2) Consumers in the US and the nonfinancial corporate sector everywhere are trying to “rebuild their balance sheets,” which means they want to save more.

3) Governments have only a limited ability to offset this increase in desired private sector savings through dissaving (i.e., increased budget deficits that result from fiscal stimulus). Even the most prudent governments in industrialized countries did not run sufficiently countercyclical fiscal policy in the boom time and now face balance sheet constraints.

4) Compounding these problems is a serious test of the eurozone: financial market pressure on Greece, Ireland and Italy is mounting; Portugal and Spain are also likely to be affected. This will lead to another round of bailouts in Europe, this time for weaker sovereigns in the eurozone. As a result, fiscal policy will be even less countercyclical, i.e., governments will feel the need to attempt precautionary austerity, which amounts to a further increase in savings.

5) At the same time, the situation in emerging markets moves towards near-crisis, in which currency collapse and debt default is averted by fiscal austerity. The current IMF strategy is designed to limit the needed degree of contraction, but the IMF cannot raise enough resources to make a difference in global terms – largely because potential creditors do not believe that large borrowers from an augmented Fund would implement responsible policies.

6) The global situation is analogous to the problem of Japan in the 1990s, in which corporates tried to repair their balance sheets while consumers continued to save as before. The difference, of course, is that the external sector was able to grow and Japan could run a current account surplus; this does not work at a global level. Global growth prospects are therefore no better than for Japan in the 1990s.

7) A rapid return to growth requires more expansionary monetary policy, and in all likelihood this needs to be led by the United States. But the Federal Reserve is still some distance from fully recognizing deflation and, by the time it takes that view and can implement appropriate actions, declining wages and prices will be built into expectations, thus making it much harder to stabilize the housing market and restart growth.

8) The push to re-regulate, which is the focus of the G20 intergovernmental process process (with the next summit set for April 2), could lead to a potentially dangerous procyclical set of policies that can exacerbate the downturn and prolong the recovery. There is currently nothing on the G20 agenda that will help slow the global decline and start a recovery.

9) The most likely outcome is not a V-shaped recovery (which is the current official consensus) or a U-shaped recovery (which is closer to the private sector consensus), but rather an L, in which there is a steep fall and then a struggle to recover.

[Details after the jump]: Continue reading “Baseline Scenario, 12/15/08”

The Lawsuits Begin, Part 2

Yesterday I mentioned a lawsuit against Goldman Sachs (article by HouseingWire) alleging that Goldman misled investors in its mortgage securitizations. Here’s the complaint. It’s a fun read.

The allegations are pretty simple. As part of each securitization, Goldman had to produce a registration statement and prospectus. In theory, as any investor knows, you are supposed to read the prospectus before buying a security. The claim is that these statements and prospectuses (someone help me with that plural) contained false statements regarding the underwriting standards used when making the underlying mortgages. The bulk of the complaint (pages 12-28) goes originator by originator and compares the statements made about that originator’s lending practices in the prospectus to information that has since emerged about how these lenders actually made loans.

One thing that struck me was how open these prospectuses were about what was going on. For example, here’s a passage on Countrywide’s “no income/no asset” loans:

Continue reading “The Lawsuits Begin, Part 2”

Causes: Subprime Lending

Other posts in this occasional series.

Six months ago, this post would have been unnecessary. Back then, for most people, the crisis was the “subprime crisis:” subprime lending had become too aggressive, many subprime mortgages were going to go into default, and as a result securities backed by subprime mortgages were falling in value. Hedge funds, investment banks, and commercial banks were in danger insofar as they had unhedged exposure to subprime mortgages or subprime mortgage-backed securities (MBS). Still, if you were to stop the average reader of the New York Times or the Wall Street Journal on the street and ask what caused the current financial and economic crisis, there is a good chance he or she would start with subprime lending.

Asking whether subprime lending caused the crisis raises all the questions about agency and causality that I’ve raised before. On the agency question, insofar as there was a problem in the subprime lending sector – and few would deny that there was – does the fault lie with borrowers who took on loans they had no chance of repaying, perhaps sometimes without understanding the terms; with the mortgage lenders who lent them the money without doing any due diligence to determine if they could pay them back; with the investment bankers who told the mortgage lenders what kinds of loans they needed to package into securities; with the bond rating agencies who blessed those securities while taking fees from the investment banks; with the investors who bought those securities without analyzing the risk involved; or with the regulators who sat on their hands through the entire process? Note in passing that it may have been perfectly rational, as well as legal, for an investor to by an MBS even knowing that the loans backing it were going to default, but making a bet that he could resell the MBS before the price fell, under the “greater fool” theory of investing. (It may have been rational for an investment bank to do the same, but not necessarily legal, given the disclosure requirements relating to securities. Goldman Sachs is being sued over precisely this question.) Readers of this blog know that my opinion is that, although there is blame to be shared along the chain, the greatest fault lies with the regulators, for a few reasons. First, although the desire to make money may cause problems, it can be no more be said to be a cause of anything than gravity can be said to be the cause of  a landslide; second, bubbles are inevitable, at least in an unregulated market;  and third, there is a difference in kind between the mistake made by an investor, who is foolish and loses some money, and the mistake made by a regulator (or a legislator who votes to reduce funding for regulators), whose job is to serve the public interest.

But that was all the preamble, because today I want to talk about the question of causality.

Continue reading “Causes: Subprime Lending”

Sign of the Apocalypse: Bush Administration Ready to Use TARP to Bail Out Automakers

I’m probably misusing the word, but I just think it’s incredibly ironic that, thanks to the Senate Republicans who blocked the compromise worked out between the White House and the Democratic majority to extend short-term loans to the automakers, the Bush Administration has now reversed its position and is open to using TARP money to keep GM and possibly Chrysler alive. Who ever thought we would see the day that this administration would prop up the Big 3 – and who thought it would happen because they were forced into it from their right?

Free Market Ideology, Epilogue

In the most recent post in the Causes series, I expressed a fair amount of agreement with Joseph Stiglitz’s criticism of an excess of faith in the free market and the lax regulation that results. With the Bernard Madoff scandal (New York TimesWSJ has more information but requires subscription), Felix Salmon is asking, where were the regulators?

(By the way, if you’re wondering how the Madoff fraud was possible, remember that a hedge fund is like a bank in the sense that you put your money in and you generally leave it there for a while, and although you may take some out now and then you may also put some more in now and then, and other people are putting it in, and so on. With a bank, not all depositors can get their money out at the same time because it is tied up in long-term loans that the bank can’t call in. With Madow’s fund, investors couldn’t get their money out because he had, effectively, burned it. They had been getting periodic paper statements showing returns, but there were no real returns, and hence no assets behind that paper.)